It’s the summer of the pandemic and an election. What will the political slogans look like?

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

Memorial Day is the unofficial start of summer. Each summer is unique. LaVarr is so old he actually remembers the “Summer of Love” (1967) when he was in high school — although Provo was quite the opposite of Haight-Ashbury in San Francisco.

Frank has enjoyed many memorable summers. Many of them are a little fuzzy — although nothing as hardcore as what they did in Haight-Ashbury.

The summer of 2020 will go down in history as the “Summer of Pandemic” — a summer unlike any of us have ever experienced. Nevertheless, life — and politics — must go on. The warm weather brings the sprint to the June 30 primary election, and voters will be inundated over the next few weeks with TV, radio, print and social media ads.

We thought candidates might need a little help developing catchy messages that really attract attention after Memorial Day. So, we’re offering a few slogans. No cost to use.

Jon Huntsman Jr. for governor: “I lived in Beijing. I lived in Moscow. I lived in Washington, D.C. So, I am never leaving Utah again. Never. I repeat, never.”

Spencer Cox for governor: “I am proud to lead the COVID-19 Task Force and the state into the recovery phase of yellow/green — which happen to be my campaign colors. Can’t argue with fate.”

Greg Hughes for governor: “Utah needs Hughes. He throws strongest punch. Early Trump supporter. Best Hair.”

Thomas Wright for governor: “Former chair of Utah Republican Party. There is no better crisis management training. And I have the funniest TV ads.”

Chris Peterson for governor: “Bank regulator. Law professor. Finally, a boring Utah Democrat.”

John Dougall for auditor: “The auditor Utah needs. I terrify government agencies and bureaucrats. I frighten recipients of taxpayer dollars. I scare Democrats from challenging me.”

Brian Fabbi for auditor: “Church accountant. It takes a lot of faith to lead the Utah United ticket.”

David Damschen for treasurer: “Just enjoying a smooth, unopposed ride. See ya at the victory party in November.”

Rep. Rob Bishop for lieutenant governor: “Good News. The commercials are correct. Wright has bright ideas, but I have the judgement (and hair).”

Victor Iverson for lieutenant governor: “It is great to be part of the Trump-flavored Hughes campaign. I can say or do anything and no one is shocked.“

Lieutenant governor candidate Deidre Henderson: “I am ready to be lieutenant governor. Eight years in the state Senate taught me how to quietly succeed without offending.”

Lieutenant governor candidate Michele Kaufusi: “History repeats. Remember the last time Huntsman picked a local official from Utah County as a running mate.”

Sean Reyes for attorney general: “Hey, Trump endorsed me. ’Nuff said.”

David Leavitt for attorney general: “The only candidate with the courage to keep his beard during the campaign.

Greg Skordas for attorney general: “Led the real-life Utah version of ‘Law & Order: Special Victims Unit.’ Try to beat that.”

Utahns for Trump: “We need a president with great courage ... and a stomach of steel who can consume hydroxychloroquine.”

Utahns for Joe Biden: “Biden and Trump may confuse facts, stumble over phrases, reconfigure history, suffer issues with harassment and speak too long. But Biden is nicer at it.”

Ben McAdams for Congress: “I survived COVID-19. Working to represent all Utahns. COVID-19 Survivor. Member of bipartisan Coalition of Problem Solvers. Did I mention I survived COVID-19.”

John Curtis for Congress: “I respect Utah voters. I gave you the best campaign commercial of 2020.”

Chris Stewart for Congress: “Squashing socialists and Chinese communists wherever I can find ’em!”

Kael Weston, Democratic candidate for 2nd Congressional District, and Devin Thorpe, Democratic candidate for 3rd Congressional District: “Supported by over 80% of convention delegates. What a victory! ... From there on it has been all downhill.”

Four Republican candidates in the 1st Congressional District: “We need a (man/woman) who can maintain the (legacy/tradition) that Rob Bishop brought to our district, but I promise to wear (socks/no sweaters).”

Four Republican candidates in the 4th Congressional District: “We need a (man/woman) who can (defeat/ obliterate) McAdams and go to Washington to (punish Pelosi/ blow up the deep state) and (seek bipartisan solutions/ preserve conservative values)

Democratic candidates in the 1st Congressional District: “Counting on another blue wave. It could happen. It really could.”

Republican incumbent legislative candidates: “This is the time for all of us to come together and solve problems. So let’s forget all those tax reform votes.”

Democratic legislative candidates: “We are doing what needs to be done: Nitpicking, second-guessing and Monday morning quarterbacking.”

Outside left-wing special interest groups: “Defend the Constitution and American values. Dump Trump. Vote Democrat.”

Outside right-wing special interest groups: “Defend the Constitution and American values. Fight Pelosi. Vote Republican.”

All Utah politicians: “Unite in providing self-esteem to those suffering incurable cluelessness. Be kind and read Pignanelli/Webb each Sunday.

What’s the political impact of the state budget collapse?

Ouch! Legislative and executive branch fiscal analysts last week predicted a major hit to the state budget as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic. We knew it would happen — but it still hurts. Obviously, this is an indication of an economy in free-fall. The question is not if, but how, these challenges impact politics.

Lawmakers will meet after Memorial Day to review budget cut options of 2%, 5% and 10%. These recommendations will be finalized in a June special session after new revenue collection numbers are reported. All of this is occurring at the height of a campaign season and on the eve of the primary election. This is unprecedented in modern history. How do gubernatorial and legislative candidates respond? Who is advantaged or disadvantaged?

Pignanelli: “Here’s what I know about political campaigns: No matter what you map out at the beginning, it’s always different at the end.” — Chris Christie

All politicians venture through an obstacle course when campaigning. But a pandemic budget creates a new feature resembling a minefield as all Utahns will feel the pain. Weaving between the current emotional issues requires extreme dexterity to avoid a misstep. Thus, candidates cannot just broadcast ideological pablum as voters will demand a substantive response to the dilemma.

Candidates need a working knowledge of the budget to craft a message demonstrating their competency. Campaigns will be inundated with inquiries regarding their position on specific funding, plans to reinvigorate the economy and views on social distancing. Because much of the electioneering will be through social media, no one can hide.

Politicians who construct a plan with specifics, sensitivities and accountabilities cleverly marketed through traditional and new media will have an advantage.

Remember, the best route through a minefield is a map.

Webb: While it is unfair to blame the impact of a fast-moving international crisis on local politicians, some candidates will certainly try to exploit the situation. Whether they will be successful depends on the good sense of voters.

It’s likely that never in Utah history has state government been clobbered with a budget decline so big and so fast. Local governments face the same revenue collapse. But voters aren’t nearly as worried about government finances as they are about their own finances. Tens of thousands of Utahns are reeling under the economic shutdown.

While Utah political leaders didn’t cause the crisis, it is fair, of course, to judge their response. But it’s hard to be too critical because state leaders have been fast and forthright, making pretty good decisions on the fly with limited information and no precedent — balancing health concerns against economic concerns.

In hindsight, there will be plenty to quibble about. But critics should be asked, “What would you have done at that point in time with the information available and in the context of national and international conditions?”

The state’s actions have been measured and based on available data. The results have been quite good compared to many other states. Utah is opening back up and the virus is generally under control.

What happens politically will depend on the mood of voters come November — will they feel the government-forced economic crisis was worse than the health crisis? If so, fair or not, they might take frustrations out on those who made the decisions.

Will the election alter budget deliberations? Will the pandemic change traditional fiscal procedures?

Pignanelli: Special interest organizations will argue, with some legitimacy, their constituents should not endure the same level of budget reductions as other programs. Advocates for the impoverished, disabled and Medicaid will contend the pandemic especially reaffirms a need for adequate resources. Although the budget will be determined in a special session(s), candidates should expect that the battle over funding for many items will occur on the campaign trail.

Also, the pandemic will likely alter the process and the details in the budget. Normally, deliberations during the legislative session shield against too many external pressures. But a special session (or sessions) during the campaign offers no such protection.

Webb: The crisis affirms the wisdom of many years of conservative budgeting, socking away money in reserves, and restraining the growth of government. Frugality pays off. Unlike the feds, Utah lawmakers can’t print money or run up huge debts.

The fiscal analyst did reveal some silver linings. As has been recognized in the national media, Utah is well prepared to absorb these blows and flourish in a post-pandemic world. Why is that?

Pignanelli: As a lawmaker and lobbyist, I witnessed the careful and usually painful deliberations conducted by legislators of both parties to construct a well-managed state government structure. They received very little credit other than national organizations frequently complimenting Utah for such quality governance. Bottom line, it is a testimony to our incredible culture.

Webb: Utah has wisely spent billions of dollars in cash for needed buildings and highways. It can now bond for those capital projects at very low rates and free up sales tax money for necessary state services. With some $5.4 billion in reserves of some sort, the state has flexibility. But it would be a mistake to quickly deplete reserves. This crisis may last a long time and may get worse.

Will balanced federalism be the pandemic’s next victim?

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

In the last six weeks, the pandemic has changed everything: how we interact, work, communicate, learn, travel, eat and recreate. It is also causing heated arguments over the roles and responsibilities of the different levels of government.

Some say the federal government should have shut down the entire nation and been more aggressive in assisting states. Some say state governments were unduly prescriptive, or too weak, in giving directives to local jurisdictions. Responding to COVID-19 is a rigorous test of our federalist system. It’s almost too much for our homebound-enfeebled minds, but we do our best to explain.

How will the federal and state responses to the pandemic alter their relationships? Are the venerable principles of balanced federalism being enhanced or diminished?

Pignanelli: “Federalism has been likened to a layer cake in that no one fully understands how layer cakes are constructed and layer cakes can always assert eminent domain.” —Alexandra Petri, Washington Post

Every family endures longtime comfort arguments — choosing the game for get-togethers, determining holiday decorations, planning travel, etc. (My clan vigorously disputes the best meatball recipes.) These endless quarrels are important because they define us. Tugs of wars between Washington, D.C., and the 50 state capitals must never cease, as they buttress our democracy. We need the fight.

Responses to the pandemic are rapidly altering this debate. Every day, Americans learn of state officials overcoming challenges while implementing creative programs to help their citizens. Contemporaneously, Congress continuously bickers while handing out loads of cash, laced with frustrating bureaucratic obstacles. An unusual twist occurred when left-wing New York Governor Andrew Cuomo pushed back against Pres. Donald Trump’s assertion he had ultimate authority over the states. This was followed by the President lecturing a fellow Republican, and governor, when to reopen Georgia for business.

Some observers believe the pandemic will prompt an even more expansive national presence and control. But the states’ demonstrated ability to innovate and problem-solve refutes the conjecture they are just administrative units of a bloated national government.

What a wonderful episode of a crucial centuries-old squabble.

Webb: Vice President Mike Pence has frequently said the pandemic would be “federally supported, state managed and locally executed.” That is precisely the proper approach, respecting our system of federalism. However, the execution has been untidy and wildly inconsistent. Of course, much of the chaos can be attributed to the “fog of war” — of necessity charging ahead in crisis mode with little information or precedent.

Despite a few erratic statements by President Donald Trump (like he alone has “total authority” reopen the country), the administration has gotten the relationships mostly right. The federal government established guidelines, but states have been free to close or open their economies. Despite harsh criticism from many liberals and the national news media, Trump was correct to allow maximum flexibility to state leaders. One size does not fit all states or localities, even in a national emergency.

In general, states are supposed to play co-equal roles with the federal government. But one area where equality is not even close is in the financial realm — paying for the costs of the crisis and providing financial relief for individuals, businesses, nonprofits and state/local governments.

That’s because only the federal government has the ability to print money and borrow without restraint. I’m not complaining, because this is a true national crisis, and when government forces an economic implosion, it should try to pay some of the costs. But the unfathomable debt produced by the several multitrillion dollar bailout packages may be the most lasting impact of the COVID-19 crisis.

How has Utah state government performed in its relationship with both the federal government and local governments?

Pignanelli: Our troubled history with the federal government paid dividends again. The Herbert administration did not wait for instructions and moved fast to implement a plan that balanced safety and economic security. Utah appreciates the federal minting presses, but established state and private mechanisms to ensure qualified businesses and individuals received funds.

A patchwork of restrictions creates confusion for business in an already chaotic environment, and the state appropriately restricted cities and counties from enhancing restrictions unless extenuating circumstances were present. This consistency was especially important as most Utahns live along the I-15 corridor.

Webb: While critics with 20-20 hindsight are beginning the game of second-guessing crisis-mode decisions made by the Herbert administration, I would challenge any of the naysayers to explain precisely what they would have done in the same situation with the same information (or lack thereof). A crisis is inherently chaotic. Quick decisions have to be made. Expert medical advice has to be followed.

Overall, and in context, the Herbert administration has done an admirable job and citizens should be grateful.

Will the ongoing realignment of politics include a readjustment of support or suspicion of federalism?

Pignanelli: Lefty progressives love D.C. control. Many Trump supporters embrace strong national industrial policy. Conversely, Gen Zers and millennials seem to favor local perspectives. The ground underlying federalism is shifting.

Webb: A real danger of a national crisis is that the resulting “new normal” is bigger, more expensive government, and loss of freedom. But I believe balanced federalism will survive. Certainly, the pandemic has demonstrated the important roles of each level of government and how they need to work collaboratively.

The pandemic has caused political processes to change. Will it be permanent?

How we conduct elections and lawmaking could be changed forever.

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

Yes, your columnists can often be hyperbolic (especially Frank). But the last several weeks have been truly remarkable at the intersection of politics, technology and the pandemic. How we conduct elections and lawmaking could be changed forever. We do our best to tamp down emotions and explain why.

The Utah Republican and Democratic parties conducted their nominating conventions by remote speechmaking and voting. Were there surprises and did the new process impact the outcome? Is this a harbinger of political gatherings in the 21st century?

Pignanelli: “All great discoveries and paradigm shifts are always stimulated by an external event.” — Roberto Esposito

Being overdramatic is a fundamental element of my Italian Irish heritage — which is handy in analyzing these new developments. The state and county conventions held in April were a HUGE shift in electioneering. Over 93% of Republican and 85% of Democrat delegates participated in the online voting process. More amazing is most attendees were holdovers from the 2018 precinct caucuses. Participants agree the events were successful. Party leaders must consider this alternative for future gatherings.

The convention outcomes destroyed any conventional wisdom. Lt. Gov. Spencer Cox outperformed polls and projections. This reflects his high-profile leadership of the COVID-19 pandemic task force.

The delegate/convention system was on a long path to extinction. However, online conventions, with delegates chosen by electronic means, may preserve this legacy for decades.

So let me wave my arms and exclaim this was really a big deal.

Webb: Convention reviews were mostly positive. The good news was no one had to spend a full day at a convention center. The bad news was that the rush and vibe and magic of being at an exciting, dynamic political convention was lost.

The serendipity and undercurrents of several thousand noisy political activists gathering in one spot was missing. A political convention can take on a life of its own. With great planning, a stemwinding speech, and a penchant to create floor buzz, a candidate can swing a lot of votes in convention. I’ve seen it happen many times. Like in an exciting basketball or football game, you can feel the momentum shift.

It’s fun to watch the floor management, the stunts and events. There’s not much intrigue in watching recorded speeches or voting remotely. The patriotic fervor of a political convention can’t be matched sitting in your pajamas with a laptop or iPad.

So I expect live, in-person conventions will return at some point. However, this year’s experience and technology can absolutely be used to involve more citizens in the political process, especially at party caucuses.

The Utah Legislature conducted two special sessions remotely. Were they successful and will this change legislating forever?

Pignanelli: I watched every second of both special sessions. The proceedings were effective — despite the intriguing and distracting overabundance of facial hair displayed by our elected officials.

Lawmakers passed needed legislation in response to the pandemic while allowing the public to observe the proceedings. Hopefully, future sessions will have a less emergency dynamic, to provide online committee hearings that permit remote public input in some form.

While the use of this system may not be a regular feature for full sessions, I believe commonsense dictates this could be how task forces, some interim committees and other special projects be conducted. This allows both lawmakers and observers from around the state to be engaged without unnecessary cost and effort.

Webb: The sessions worked in an emergency. But remote sausage-making isn’t nearly as good as being there in person, getting your hands greasy. The side discussions, the emotion, the body language, the on-the-spot coalition building are sorely missed. It’s hard to have a passionate debate from a distance.

The GOP has four-way primaries for governor and also in the 1st and 4th congressional districts. How does this impact results?

Pignanelli: All four of the candidates (and the lieutenant governor contenders) in these contests are substantive and charismatic. Also, they all enjoy a political base and will capture a slice of the electorate. Thus, mathematics compel that a person could be the GOP nominee for governor or Congress with 30-35% of the vote. This will alter how campaigns focus resources to excite the base and attract others along the ideological spectrum. Plus, any outreach will occur during a pandemic.

Webb: As I’ve written previously, Utah is assured of having a very good governor beginning next year. All four GOP candidates are solid, capable people. A four-way primary means voter targeting is more important than ever. Candidates must use every means (especially social media and direct mail) to identify likely supporters, communicate frequently and get them to vote. TV and radio ads are important, but not enough.

Leading the state’s COVID-19 response gives Lt. Gov. Spencer Cox an edge. We’ll see how innovative other candidates can be in their pandemic campaigning.

The tactics of targeting likely voters are even more critical in the two congressional districts where most candidates are not well-known.

Are protesters right about getting back to work?

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on politics has expanded beyond campaigning, dueling press conferences and who gets blame or credit. Actions by federal and state governments are generating protests among the general public. We do our best to explain.

As the pandemic shutdown drags on, we’re seeing rallies against “stay-at-home” orders. Are these protests an emotional flash response that will soon fade, or an indicator of much deeper citizen convictions with long-term consequences for society?

Pignanelli: “Most protesters are simply struggling Americans who have concluded that — at least for them — the cure is turning out to be worse than the disease.” — William McGurn, Wall Street Journal.

From the moment the Puritan separatists disembarked from the Mayflower, our country has been a series of arguments and protests. The demonstrations against lockdowns in a dozen states last week reflect this tradition.

Most observers conclude the demonstrations are organic actions organized through social media. Especially compelling is participants are not seeking handouts or anything free. They just want to return to work.

Lower- and middle-income families are suffering through no fault of their own. Yet, their questioning of extreme pandemic restrictions is often labeled as either insensitive or stupid. (My similar inquiries usually generate unkind or patronizing responses.) This only increases the frustration and anger. As these emotions percolate, they will impact the primary and possibly the general elections.

Shrewd politicians will acknowledge that protesters’ demands for employment are a positive — and very American — ritual.

Webb: A natural wariness of the coercive power of government — and its expense — is a healthy thing. So when government suddenly becomes a lot bigger and more intrusive, shutting down the economy and causing massive job loss, the backlash is not a surprise. That’s why it’s important for most governmental directives to be persuasive and voluntary, rather than police-enforced.

Government actions to this point have not been unreasonable, given the health risks, the emergency nature of the pandemic, and lack of accurate information and data. But now it’s time for the next phase.

One big consequence of the pandemic is a dramatic expansion of government power, and the accompanying meteoric increase in government spending. There have also been fascinating debates about the proper roles of different levels of government. It has become clear to me that the concept of balanced federalism is more important than ever. All levels of government have important and complementary roles to play. This emergency should not be an excuse to permanently expand the size and power of the federal government at the expense of states and local governments.

In responding to the coronavirus crisis, has Gov. Gary Herbert been too prescriptive in partially shutting down the state? Overall, how has his administration, and the Legislature, performed?

Pignanelli: Herbert enjoys a well-deserved reputation for appointing competent officials and judges. The incredible health and economic responses developed by his chosen teams magnifies this skill (i.e. TestUtah is an amazing assessment and testing tool — the product of a partnership between Silicon Slopes and the Department of Health, administered by the skillful Nathan Checketts). Herbert has great instincts and supports his people, despite national and local pressure to do otherwise.

The Legislature deserves accolades for responding quickly, in an online special session, to manage the budget and state programs. Furthermore, lawmakers are sensitive to the economic impact and are appropriately pushing hard for Utah to fully reopen for work.

Once again, the “Utah Way” is a practical philosophy adeptly administered by our state leaders.

Webb: Herbert has hit the right balance, mostly issuing directives that don’t carry the force of law, and opening things up as rapidly as possible. The overall state response has been excellent.

Is it now time to start opening up Utah and the country so people can get back to work?

Pignanelli: YES! Facts and the science support opening the state. We can be smart, through testing, tracing, strategic isolating and other activities to promote safety while allowing Utahns do what they do best — working hard and contributing to the community. Reopening the economy will be the best defense when the virus returns later in the year.

Webb: When all is said and done, it’s entirely possible that portions of the country will have overreacted to the coronavirus threat. But our leaders acted on the intelligence available at the time.

Once the initial confusion — the fog of war — has passed, and we have data and knowledge to understand the virus, we’re smart enough to manage the health threat and reopen the economy. We can practice proper hygiene while still engaging in activities critical to economic survival. I have no doubt we can do two things at once.

The entire scientific, intellectual and commercial might of the United States, both public and private sectors, is now arrayed against COVID-19. We have enough creativity and innovation to find solutions to effectively manage the virus and get back to work. This is a problem-solving exercise and most of the solutions will come from the private sector.

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The governor’s race has taken a backseat, but Utah’s party conventions offer plenty of intrigue

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

The Utah governor’s race has taken a back seat to the COVID-19 crisis, but with first-ever online state conventions on Saturday, the contest is starting to heat up. We take a look.

Three GOP candidates — Thomas Wright, Spencer Cox and Jon Huntsman — have qualified for the primary election ballot by gathering signatures. Who is likely to join them on the ballot by winning in Saturday’s GOP convention?

Pignanelli: “The new technologies disrupt political pomp and glamour and engage people in an unpolished and unpredictable give-and-take … while giving citizens access to a surprising depth of raw information.” — Zephyr Teachout

During the pandemic downtime many Utahns are bingeing all the interesting programming on television and streaming services. But next Saturday, they don’t have to revert to “Game of Thrones,” “The Crown,” “Tiger King,” “Billions,” etc. for entertainment. The results of maneuvering, strategy and political warfare (without bloodshed) will be on display at the Utah Republican State Convention.

Normally, some politicos suggest candidates with the highest name identification would succeed. Others could claim delegates prefer contenders perceived more conservative and who ignored the signature process. But the usual dynamics of a convention will be missing (i.e. personal contact, speeches, instantaneous momentum, etc.) and any conjectures are difficult.

All the major gubernatorial candidates — and their running mates — possess a unique attraction to the delegates encompassing ideology, geography or positive reputation.

Much like your favorite cable/streaming program, expect a riveting process. Get the bingeing popcorn ready.

Webb: This convention is going to be fascinating — and meaningful. It will be a real test of a candidate’s organizational skills and creativity to appeal to delegates without in-person contact. The candidate(s) who emerge will get some significant publicity and a nice boost. Greg Hughes, Jeff Burningham, Aimee Winder Newton and Jan Garbett MUST come out No. 1 or 2 in the convention or be eliminated.

A case can be made for most of the candidates to do well. Because convention delegates are usually more conservative than general Republican voters, conventional wisdom (no pun intended) is that Hughes, the conservative former House speaker, will be a winner.

But watch out for Wright, a former state GOP chair who was very popular among delegates. Wright was the first to qualify via signature gathering. If he also gets a convention win, voters will take a careful look. His running mate, Congressman Rob Bishop, has always been popular among state delegates.

Cox is a little more moderate, but his running mate, Sen. Deidre Henderson, appeals to conservatives. Huntsman isn’t considered a convention favorite, but remember that he emerged first at the 2004 state convention in a multi-candidate field. Burningham and Winder Newton chose conservative lieutenant governors liked by the delegates (Sen. Dan McCay and State Auditor John Dougall, respectively), but they will struggle. Garbett has no chance.

How many delegates actually participate will be key. A big participation rate could give Huntsman and Cox a fighting chance. But if only hardcore party insiders get involved, the strong conservatives will benefit.

Losing in convention wouldn’t be fatal for Cox or Huntsman. Gov. Gary Herbert and Congressman John Curtis both lost badly in convention in recent years and went on to crush their more conservative opponents in the primary.

The online GOP convention will use ranked-choice voting. Delegates will rank all candidates in order of preference, with lowest-ranked candidates eliminated in multiple rounds and votes of their supporters being reallocated according to their second choices, etc., until two final candidates survive (or one garners 60% or more). What will be the impact of this voting system?

Pignanelli: This promises the convention will be great entertainment. Because many delegates are more ideological than practical, convention results could be predictable. But the ability to simultaneously vote for second, third, fourth, etc. choices offers delegates to vote for candidates who are attractive for other nonphilosophical reasons. Thus, candidates viewed as too moderate or with limited resources who may not enjoy first place category could now be a vaulted into the primary.

Unexpected and unusual results will play out in the gubernatorial contest … and the congressional races. Again, next Saturday is going to be a real hoot for us political hacks.

Webb: So far, the candidates have all been quite nice to each other, and ranked-choice voting is one reason why. Being a voter’s second or third choice is important, so candidates are playing nice to avoid alienating the supporters of opponents. But the knives will come out before the primary election.

Utah Democrats will also hold their convention on Saturday, and will choose among six gubernatorial candidates. Any potential surprises in this race?

Pignanelli: Law professor and former federal financial services regulator Chris Peterson is leading in the polls. But former lawmaker Neil Hansen is well liked in traditional Democratic circles and northern Utah. He could perform well at the convention.

The number of candidates and the recycling of prior delegates promises surprises in the congressional contests. There is no crystal ball with enough internal magic to predict all the outcomes.

Webb: The Democrats will nominate a lot of sacrificial lambs in the big races and one front runner — Congressman Ben McAdams.

COVID-19 has upended Utah’s election campaigns, but that might not be such a bad thing

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

Although Utahns are appropriately distracted by a major issue affecting their lives, we do politely remind readers that the 2020 election rolls on. Of course, thanks to the pandemic, this may be the most unusual campaign season since statehood. We explore some of the extraordinary dynamics.

The biggest issue confounding all candidates seems to be a lack of attention by the electorate. What other challenges are candidates facing?

Pignanelli: “Voters are looking not just for someone who can lead us in good times but can lead us through challenges and change. So, this is a good chance for voters to examine how candidates are responding to this new stress and challenge.” — Boyd Matheson, opinion editor, Deseret News, Hinckley Report

It does seem as if invisible aliens invaded Earth and completely altered civilization. Everything is impacted, including how we elect our leaders.

First, candidates have an extraordinary obstacle to motivate party activists and voters refocus their thought processes on activities other than those related to the pandemic and the economy. Traditionally, in these weeks leading up to conventions, delegates expected face-to-face encounters with office seekers in their living rooms and at food-centered events. Also, campaign expectations could be altered by a failed or riveting speech at a convention. Those opportunities no longer exist.

The usual advantages of name recognition, organization and access to resources remain. But rallies, fundraisers, canvassing, “honk and waves,” cottage “meet and greets” and any personal contact with voters are now impossible to conduct. Although many will not admit it, political consultants and election experts are unsure how to succeed in this new environment. They are anxiously guessing and conjecturing how to distribute the message of their candidates to secure support.

Responding to this alien invasion is now the primary requirement of a successful candidate.

Webb: Campaigning is inherently an activity requiring personal contact and interaction, especially in primary elections. Thus, a campaign hindered by social distancing tests candidates as never before. This is especially true because traditional TV, radio and newspaper advertising aren’t as effective as in the past.

Like everything else, campaigning is going online, and especially to social media. As an old guy who doesn’t pay much attention to social media, it’s hard for me to judge how well the candidates are doing.

The pandemic has upended the usual campaign processes. Caucuses have been canceled. Conventions will be held virtually. In-person voting may be in jeopardy. No door-to-door signature gathering. Many aspects of the 2020 election have been dramatically altered.

And voters simply aren’t as interested in politics when health is in danger and the economy is collapsing. It’s hard to attract the attention of ordinary Utahns. It’s also more difficult to raise money.

The candidates who are most nimble and innovative will prosper — and also those who start with the advantage of being well-known and well-financed. Namely Lt. Gov. Spencer Cox and former Gov. Jon Huntsman Jr. in the gubernatorial race.

The pandemic has also upended the presidential race. It will be even more of a referendum on President Donald Trump’s performance, especially his coronavirus response. Trump’s biggest strength — a booming economy — could turn into a big weakness if we are in a deep recession come November. Meanwhile, former Vice President Joe Biden can barely gets any attention.

Most of the Republican gubernatorial candidates have already declared a running mate. Are there any surprises, and do these selections help any campaigns?

Pignanelli: Normally, ruminating over running mates were fascinating exercises conducted by political insiders as these candidates could impact convention results but rarely determined the trajectory of a campaign afterward. This year may be different. Because of the new atmosphere, a well-known or uniquely branded lieutenant governor candidate can influence a virtual convention and the primary election. This could explain why only one “LG” prospect does not have a connection to Utah County.

Webb: In recent history, we’ve had two lieutenant governors become governor. So voters should pay extra attention to running mates and whether they are capable of taking over as governor should the occasion arise.

In general, the lieutenant governor selections have been capable people. Thomas Wright scored the biggest-name running mate in Rep. Rob Bishop, who considered running for governor himself.

Are any further executive orders expected from Gov. Gary Herbert suspending existing statutory election requirements in response to the pandemic?

Pignanelli: This may seem morbid, but changes to existing election laws in the near future by the governor or the Legislature depends upon the state curve of COVID-19 cases. Because I believe that Utah will be out of this thicket much sooner than predicted, there will be less pressure for modifications.

Webb: Depending on the status of the pandemic, in-person voting could be suspended. Long-term, the signature gathering process needs to be improved by reducing the number of signatures required. A runoff system is also needed.