Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb: The 'bathroom issue' and others affecting Utah elections

Spring seems to have finally arrived, bringing flowers, bright clothing … and new issues for politicos. We tiptoe through the political tulips.

Last week, the U.S. Justice Department ordered all public school districts to ensure a “safe and discrimination-free environment” by allowing self-identified transgender students to use whatever bathrooms and locker rooms they wish. This friendly “guidance” came with some sharp teeth: Comply or lose federal funding. A firestorm erupted across the country, with heated responses from conservative and liberal politicians. Will the “bathroom issue” impact Utah elections?

Pignanelli: “Does politics have to be injected into everything?” — Sargent Shriver

I strive to be a sunny, cheery optimist (except when deprived of wine and meatballs) and view this debate as another indication that 21st-century American society is dynamic and thriving. Strong emotions are driving vigorous discussions of constitutional rights and community values on a topic most never considered until a few months ago.

North Carolina was wrong and its insensitivity is appropriately rewarded with boycotts and protests. Other government entities witnessed the controversy, and properly approached the issue with caution.

Unfortunately, the opportunity for a "teaching moment" for the entire country was lost by the expediency of the Department of Justice action. The Obama administration should have initiated a national discussion, prompting understanding of all concerns while providing the necessary guidance to help these younger citizens. Instead, the federal government was easily painted as a cold-hearted bully imposing its will without deference to locals.

Some candidates will try to use the DOJ demand as a tool in their campaign arsenal. This too is unfortunate as transgender Utahns deserve better. The good news is that the rational response from the LDS Church and many state leaders will diminish much of the harmful rhetoric.

Webb: This directive is outrageous in many way, from obliterating any semblance of balanced federalism in this nation, to taking leave of common sense when local, case-by-case solutions can readily be found without ham-handed pressure from the feds. This is the perfect caricature of a heavy-handed, overbearing, overreaching, one-size-fits-all, top-down, bureaucratic federal government imposing a solution for a rare problem that can be solved by caring local leaders.

The issue provides Republican candidates new ammunition to fire at the federal government. To eliminate federal bribery and coercion using tax dollars, some future Republican president and Republican Congress must leave education tax dollars in the states, rather than sending the money to Washington, only to have a much diminished amount returned to the states with strings attached.

Some Republican primary candidates are facing stiff opposition because they used the Count My Vote signature-gathering process to secure a ballot spot. Will they or the caucus/convention purists prevail?

Pignanelli: For politicos, this is fascinating. The Republican primary is devoid of the motivation a presidential preference election provides, threatening a lower turnout. So the normally minimal issue of how a candidate got on the primary ballot could be significant this year, especially in Utah County, which boasts many activists (a kind description) concerned about preserving the delegate/convention system. The potential of higher voter turnout through mail in ballots in other larger counties may counter these purists.

On primary election night, the future of Count My Vote will be substantially determined by the results.

Webb: In a few cases, including the gubernatorial race, the June 28 Republican primary election is, in part, a referendum on Count My Vote. Those who hate opening the election process to all voters are frantically trying to defeat candidates who gathered signatures.

These races pit mainstream conservative candidates who want to broaden political participation against party insider candidates determined to retain political power within the party machine and the caucus/convention system. In Utah County, the Republican Party itself is trying to shrink the Republican tent by campaigning against Republican legislative candidates who didn’t come through the caucus/convention system. It is a sad commentary on today’s Republican Party that candidates who want to be accountable to all Republican voters, not just the party delegate insiders, are under attack by their own party.

In the gubernatorial primary, Jonathan Johnson has run hard against Gov. Gary Herbert because Herbert gathered signatures. Johnson is probably the single biggest long-term threat to Count My Vote. If he becomes governor, he will, no doubt, attempt to reverse all the progress Count My Vote has made to expand voter participation. He will return political control to the delegates.

Mainstream Republican voters should ask: Which candidates want to encourage broad political participation? Which candidates want to keep political power in the hands of a relatively few party insiders? Please vote for the candidates who want every vote to count.

The Legislature held a very quick special session to fund education items vetoed by the governor. Will this have any impact on the gubernatorial contest?

Pignanelli: Political insiders are weighing any strategic advantage the governor gained by demonstrating executive leadership, but possibly irritating legislators, with the vetoes. Most of the public is confused or unaware as to the controversy on the education items. Therefore, minimal impact.

Webb: The session cleaned up some disagreements between the Legislature and the executive branch, sent a lengthy resolution to the Obama administration opposing a Bears Ears national monument, and resulted in good public policy.

Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb: Bears Ears, Donald Trump and a rocky start

So much to write about. So little space. Someone (Frank?) should lobby the Legislature to pass a law giving Pig/Webb more column inches. Here are three topics getting plenty of buzz.

Drama is brewing on public lands in Utah: Will President Obama declare a Bears Ears National Monument? Or will Rep. Rob Bishop get his Public Lands Initiative (PLI) through Congress?

Pignanelli: "The most basic decision a modern politician must make is whether to be aggressive or conciliatory." — Dick Morris

Newsflash: Presidential campaign politics impact the declaration of national monuments in Utah. In 1996, with only 24 hours notice to Utah’s governor and congressional delegation, President Bill Clintondeclared 1,880,461 acres as protected wilderness in the Grand Staircase-Escalante region. Most politicos concurred the president's hurried tactic secured environmental support in the upcoming election.

The Bears Ears designation is subject to similar forces. If Hillary Clinton remains competitive with Donald Trump in Utah, there will be less incentive to jeopardize this potential windfall. However, should Clinton’s unpopularity re-emerge, then Obama will view any action as risk-free. On the other hand (there are at least three hands in political complications), Obama cares about his legacy. Placing the controversial area in wilderness solidifies him as an environmental leader. Conversely, Obama may not want to be forever remembered for derailing an exhaustive effort to compromise on an explosive issue. The politics are conflicting.

Webb: The PLI would better protect the environment and a whole lot more land than a Bears Ears designation by the president. Bishop, Rep. Jason Chaffetz and other members of Congress need to keep working with reasonable conservation groups to get a bill that can pass Congress and be signed by the president.

This is too important to fail. If PLI falls apart and the president designates Bears Ears, it will create a firestorm of anger and blow up any semblance of federal-state cooperation on public lands. The backlash against the federal government and environmental groups will be immense and the rise of radical groups will be fueled.

Both sides should tone down the rhetoric. Some conservationists have told me they have a hard time thinking Bishop, other members of Congress, and some state leaders are negotiating in good faith when on one hand they seek compromise on PLI, but on the other they demand state takeover of most federal land and criticize every federal environmental regulation. Great distrust exists on both sides.

We need to keep working on PLI. Fight through the differences. Bishop and his colleagues have done a terrific amount of excellent work. The proposal has many elements that will benefit Utah forever. It would be a shame to see it fail.

Should Utah Republicans follow the example of former Gov. Jon Huntsman Jr. and endorse Donald Trump, or play the Paul Ryan waiting game and see how Trump conducts himself?

Pignanelli: Speaker Ryan possesses integrity, deep intelligence and the character to apologize when he missteps. A person of this stature could not immediately endorse Trump. Clueless to the intellectual tradition of conservatism, Trump is equally ignorant of the many new-wave proposals promulgated by Ryan for government reform. Also, Ryan is providing protection for his House colleagues to respond to this impactful development.

Huntsman, without the shackles of office, endorsed Trump's ability to bring new voters in the party without expressing support for his bizarre platform. Huntsman could be outlining a shrewd direction for Republicans — Trump’s populism with Ryan's vision. Waiting for the development of a pragmatic course is the safest route for Utah politicians. Otherwise an immediate endorsement of Trump begs the awful question "So you support what he espouses?”

Webb: Trump is going to win the Republican nomination fair and square. He got the votes and won the delegates. But, personally, I feel no need to jump on the Trump bandwagon just because he’s the nominee. I will wait and evaluate his policy positions as he provides more details before the general election. (Assuming he is capable of articulating thoughtful policy positions.)

However, top elected officials and candidates, especially those in Congress and especially those running for re-election, are in the hot seat because their political security may be tied to his. Voters want to know if they support Trump. Candidates want to avoid offending either side. Ryan and other congressional leaders will follow Sen. Orrin Hatch in supporting Trump. They really have no choice but to endorse the party nominee.

Huntsman obviously wants to stay relevant and involved, and the Trump horse seems the best to ride (all the way to secretary of state?). Let’s see if he raises money for Trump. Huntsman has also had a positive relationship with Hillary Clinton, so he could win no matter who’s in the White House.

Salt Lake City Mayor Jackie Biskupski has had a bit of a rocky (no pun intended) start. What’s going on between her and the City Council

Pignanelli: The wrestle between the council and mayor is not surprising. She was elected with a specific mandate — redirect her office to focus on the objectives that engaged every successful metropolis for 5,000 years — providing safety, basic services and economic development. But if city leaders need a vision, I hereby present a simple goal that achieves much: remove the bicycle lanes on 300 South.

Webb: Biskupski is a bit standoffish. She has her own style. But give her some time. Let her get her people in place. She’s been in office only five months. The city needs great leadership and vision to maintain its momentum and take it to the next level. Biskupski has that potential.

Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb: Unpopular politicians and Clinton's chances in Utah

Utah first responders recently staged an earthquake preparedness exercise. It was very timely, as the political ground shifted across the country when Donald Trump claimed the title of "presumptive" GOP nominee, having dispatched 17 competitors. We review the aftershocks.

Trump and Hillary Clinton, likely nominees for the 2016 general election, are arguably the two most unpopular major politicians in the country. How did we get here? Is Utah different?

Pignanelli: "Trump supporters are the only group of voters in this nation's history who have been viciously and consistently maligned … by both political parties.” — Oleg Atbashian

Political experts, pundits and hacks are entrepreneurial — and shameless. We are aggressively developing a new industry explaining the Trump phenomenon while ignoring our earlier predictions on his fate. (If we only dedicated such energies to curing cancer.)

There are many schools of thought. Some believe the media gave too much attention to the billionaire and his Twitter expertise. Others claim Republican Party leaders were too timid and late in stopping him. The predominant theory is many Americans are angry and have lost confidence with government and society. The working class is disgruntled with “no drama Obama” and a GOP Washington, D.C., elite who seem clueless. Trump has tapped into their emotional needs, desires and frustrations.

But the Donald performed poorly in Utah, proving again Utah is different (and better).

Airtime on television rarely impacts Utahns (if it did, more would drink beer) Despite the internal tensions over SB54, the Utah Republican Party is not dysfunctional. While Utahns have always maintained an uneasy tension with the Feds, a majority possess a healthy respect for religious institutions and local government. Most importantly, our economy is buzzing along. Utah is not fertile ground for Trumpism.

Webb: Populist uprisings such as we are witnessing are not uncommon in history (some South American countries have them regularly). But the charismatic strongmen chosen to lead the populace to the political promised land seldom deliver as hoped. I think the Trump groupies seeking a political savior will likewise be disappointed, either because Clinton thumps him in November or because he turns out to be a really terrible president.

However, I must admit I’ve been wrong about nearly everything this political year. I’m not expecting it, but it’s possible Trump will surprise me.

Most Utahns do not like Trump, so does Clinton have a chance of capturing the state in November?

Pignanelli: This could be fun. Because of the silly Electoral College, Utah is ignored in presidential elections. So let's hope this tossup lasts and we are viewed as a swing state. We will get all sorts of attention from the campaigns and national media. Otherwise, the only hope for Trump in Utah is his nominal affiliation with the GOP (that dislikes him in return).

Webb: Personally, whether I vote for Trump will depend on how he conducts himself over the next six months. If he can act presidential, if he can show he has a grasp of key policy issues and wants to execute realistic conservative solutions, if he can develop an intelligent approach to foreign policy, if he can show he won’t plunge us into depression or war in his first six months in office, then I would be inclined to support him over Clinton.

But I’m not there yet. He has been so offensive and so naïve or totally wrong on issues I care about, that it’s going to take some convincing. I’m not going to vote for a loose cannon buffoon who gets his news from the National Enquirer and repeats JFK assassination conspiracies.

Clinton is at least a known quantity. Some people who have worked with her in Washington believe she would govern like her husband did and work reasonably well with Congress (better than President Obama) to solve problems.

That said, I think Trump will win Utah.

What impact will the general election matchup have on the down-ballot races in Utah?

Pignanelli: At this point in time, no one (repeat: no one) knows how the Trump candidacy will affect other races. His support is such an unusual phenomenon it will take months of polling and micro-targeting to determine what they may do in other races. Shrewd candidates in both parties will conduct research and craft messages that cater to this angry crowd, who carry both legitimate and unreasonable reasons for their emotions.

Webb: Democrats are loving Trump as the GOP nominee, but I don’t think it will have a big impact in Utah. With the exception of Rep. Mia Love, Utah’s major candidates are all pretty safe. It’s a little trickier for Love because she may not love Trump, but she won’t want to alienate his supporters.

And the further down on the ballot, it’s pretty easy for candidates to just avoid the presidential election.

Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb: Convention battles, SB54 and medical marijuana

The cold, rainy weather has been warmed up a bit by all the hot air emanating from the ruminations, conjectures, blame, accusations, defensive statements and intense electioneering as politicians target the June 28 primary election. We explore all the fun.

Popular incumbent Gov. Gary Herbert squares off against businessman Jonathan Johnson after “losing” the state convention delegate vote 45 percent to 55 percent. How does the convention battle impact the primary election?

Pignanelli: "Political reporters keep searching for political meanings in the tepid events of a convention, but it is essentially a human drama and only that.” — William Greider

Last week provided three great opportunities for Utah politicos to taste mayhem and intrigue: the two conventions and the season opener of "Game of Thrones.”

The Republican convention results are fostering questions and opportunities for the two gubernatorial campaigns. Electioneering veterans are confused by the massive billboard purchase by Herbert when the target audience was only 4,000 delegates. His mistake conceded the advantage of the delegate/convention system wherein candidates can focus on a small universe of readily identifiable voters.

The Johnson campaign shrewdly implemented a brilliant strategy. The convention triumph provides him a needed tool to prevail against the popular Herbert. But his convention tactics may not resonate with most mainstream Republicans. Also, as some Democratic challengers learned, it is impossible to attack Herbert personally because Utahns view him as a decent person.

Nerds like me love the coincidence that this season of "Game of Thrones" runs contemporaneously from the GOP convention through the primary election. This globally admired series offers strategies campaigns need to adopt. (i.e. ruthlessly pivot in response to a changing environment; success depends on the use, not the amount, of resources, etc.) Unfortunately, election laws ban the use of dragons.

Webb: Herbert need not lament the convention loss. After all, the 4,000 delegates are the most conservative element of the Republican Party, and Herbert won 45 percent of their vote. The primary election will be much friendlier territory.

Johnson is a solid candidate, and Herbert will need to run a smart, aggressive campaign. Utahns already know the state is doing great. Now they want to know Herbert’s bold vision for the future, how he’s going to take Utah to the next level.

Johnson must broaden his appeal. Throwing arch-conservative red meat to delegates won’t cut it in the primary. His selection of school-choice champion Robyn Bagley as his lieutenant governor will energize the education community against him. Johnson can’t win as the right-wing/Libertarian, voucher candidate with Cliven Bundy-like attitudes about public lands.

SB54, allowing the gathering of signatures to get on the primary ballot, was definitely under fire at the Republican convention. What happens long-term?

Pignanelli: Congressman Jason Chaffetz is a nationally recognized Republican with real influence. But this articulate conservative, who was birthed by — and supports — the convention system, captured 64 percent of the delegates against unknown opponent Chia-Chi Teng. Any other collection of rational Republicans would have delivered at least 85-90 percent. Politicos believe such outcomes will incentivize future candidates to pursue the saner signature process.

Webb: The party bosses and their Central Committee hate, hate, hate Count My Vote and SB54 because they diminish the monopoly power of the party machine and empower all voters to determine party nominees.

Under Count My Vote, the “little guy” can get on the primary ballot, even against a powerful, well-funded incumbent (case in point: Chia-Chi Teng is in the primary against party powerhouse Jason Chaffetz). Under the old system, some underdogs would have been swept away by delegates and the party machine. Now they’re on the ballot and all Republicans get to determine their fate. Mainstream Republicans can now seek elective office without having to run naked through the delegate gauntlet. The party machine can’t purge those not deemed ideologically pure.

As a longtime supporter of Count My Vote, I was disappointed to see Johnson side with the party machine and attack Herbert because he gathered signatures.

Johnson’s message to delegates essentially was: You have the power. You are the party insiders. You control the system. By gathering signatures, Herbert has signaled he wants to bring more Republicans into the political process. We can’t allow that. You must punish him! You must protect your power because you’re smarter than the rest of the voters.

Johnson’s message worked with 55 percent of the delegates. Now we’ll see if that exclusionary delegate flattery connects with the broader GOP population.

Can Utah Democrats win with their gubernatorial nominee Mike Weinholtz? Will the investigation of his wife’s use of medical marijuana have any impact?

Pignanelli: In prior elections, this revelation of drug use (or a civil disobedience arrest in a human rights protest) would be fatal. But that was the past and the anti-establishment fever gripping both parties makes such controversies meaningless. More importantly, Weinholtz is a decent person and successful businessman. All Utahns, regardless of party preference, should be proud someone of his character and expertise is seeking office.

Webb: The articulate and well-funded Weinholtz will mount a feisty campaign — all for naught. He might even win Salt Lake County, but will get clobbered so badly in Utah and Davis counties that it will be a Republican landslide. A little medical marijuana won’t be a blip.

Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb: What happened to Utah's famous niceness?

Although entertaining, the weeks leading up to the New York presidential primary — for both parties — were among the most vitriolic in an already nasty campaign season. Even Utah’s usually tame politics is featuring some hard punches. Your columnists — pillars of civility (well, LaVarr, at least) — explore whether this is business as usual or atypical.

What happened to Utah’s famous niceness? Gov. Gary Herbert was booed at the Utah County Republican convention. The GOP gubernatorial contenders or surrogates are accusing each other of purveying pornography in their businesses. Many campaigns are claiming improprieties by opponents. Some GOP officials are refusing to provide resources to candidates who gathered signatures or refused to sign an obedience pledge. Activists are disparaging each other with awful insults on social media. Is this unusual for Utah?

Pignanelli: “Mudslinging in politics is as American as apple pie” — Richard K. Scher

The lack of diversity in Utah County is directly correlated to the level of wackiness in its politics. Thus, this geographic region is incorrectly perceived by the more enlightened areas of the state to be responsible for much of the ill-mannered comportment. However, their antics are the most humorous.

Gov. Herbert was not the first incumbent to be jeered by his own party (Gov. Michael Leavitt, Sen. Bob Bennett and Congressman Jim Matheson share the honor), and he will not be the last. Extremists on the left and right usually feel excluded and express their emotions without politeness. Utah politicos are among the most technologically savvy, which breeds greater involvement and higher levels of intensity. Hurling insults in the Twittersphere is easy and fun.

Major structural changes in society can also cause intemperate attitudes. Nationally, the realignment of partisan demographics is fueling rudeness. Locally, the huge revolution to the convention/delegate system along with other abrupt forces in our state is fostering impolite dialogue.

So political discourse in Utah will be at higher temperatures for the next several cycles. Thank goodness. Protesters against the BYU Honor Code should not have all the fun.

Webb: Politics always has been and always will be a contact sport. Nothing different in that regard. Case in point: Rep. Kraig Powell, a true gentleman, mainstream idealist and altogether good guy, decided to drop out of his legislative race rather than face a barrage of out-of-context attacks from right-wing fringe people. He just doesn’t want to take the time and expense to refute unfair attacks. He’s a clear casualty of nasty campaigning from far-right extremists.

New communications channels, particularly social media, increase the intensity and pervasiveness of negative campaigning. In the old days, you had to read the newspaper, listen to the radio or watch TV news to hear the latest insults. Today, they arrive on your cellphone and laptop, in your email and social media feeds 24/7, in addition to the traditional media channels. Charges and countercharges are made and delivered instantly to worldwide audiences. And the anonymity and unaccountability of online comments and some social media channels exacerbate the problem. Human nature hasn’t changed, but the opportunities to be offensive are magnified.

A large number of Utah legislative incumbents faced intra-party challenges. Ultra left-wingers were unable to dislodge sitting Democrat lawmakers. However, some Republican incumbents lost their delegate/conventional elections. Those who obtained the necessary signatures will be on the primary ballot, and the refusniks are now out of office. Any local trends here?

Pignanelli: Many Republican incumbents are distancing themselves from the petition signature process in public. But there is silent admission to the important safety valve it provides. The freedom of an alternative to a convention for placement on the primary ballot is very enticing. Relying on the reasonableness of delegates is a bigger gamble than a slot machine.

Webb: It’s interesting that legislative candidate Mike Winder, from Salt Lake County, gathered signatures to get on the ballot. He also encouraged those who signed his petition to go to their caucuses and get elected as delegates. The result was he eliminated his incumbent competition in convention, so he has no primary. Smart candidates ensure themselves a spot on the primary ballot by gathering signatures.

The Republican and Democrat presidential primaries are fostering incredible foulness. Does this end soon or become a permanent feature of the 2016 season and beyond?

Pignanelli: Donald Trump and his Trumpeters flourish on insults. Ted Cruz will not win Mr. Congeniality. Bernie Sanders supporters extol liberal values, but not politeness. The courtesy of the Clintonistas seems forced. So all the mayhem and turmoil on television will be a peaceful respite.

Webb: Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, the likely nominees, have essentially 100 percent name ID, and have had pretty much all the doors ripped off their skeleton closets. Both have terrible likability and approval ratings. The general election will be further descent into raw sewage.

Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb: Prohibiting travel, superdelegates and the race for governor

The national political circus continues to entertain. The New York primary battles are demanding answers to important questions: correct use of the subway, do Big Apple residents have proper values, should Donald Trump have sent a birthday card to Bill Clinton, and how pizza is properly eaten (Frank has a strong opinion on this). But Utahns are chewing on more sensible political issues.

Last week, Salt Lake City Mayor Jackie Biskupskiprohibited official city business travel to Mississippi and North Carolina because of anti-LGBT legislation passed in those states. Utah's capital joins a host of other cities with similar bans. Is this just grandstanding, or a legitimate expression of protest?

Pignanelli: "The truth is that all political and social change is friction." — Nick Hanauer

North Carolina now prohibits anti-discrimination ordinances based on sexual orientation. Mississippi allows businesses, for “sincerely held religious beliefs or moral convictions,” to refuse service to gay, lesbian and unmarried couples. Most Americans are opposed to these actions.

The retail marketplace illustrates the American mindset. Television commercials for everyday products now highlight same-sex couples, because businesses want to appear in touch with the sentiment of consumers in this country. Employees and customers are fostering the many corporate protests against these two states.

Americans have the natural entitlement to believe in, and say, whatever they desire. But these privileges cannot be used to deprive others of fundamental rights. A business open to the public is just that. To deny service — even for religious reasons — to a potential customer because of race, creed, ethnic origin or sexual orientation is corrosive to the core of this nation. Those who promote such behavior risk protests and boycotts.

Victims of state-sanctioned discrimination founded Utah. So their 21st-century descendents should articulate strong objections to intolerance. Hooray for the mayor and the City Council. Hooray for the Legislature and the governor for not wading into this national controversy.

Webb: Salt Lake City is one of the most liberal cities in the country, so joining other liberal cities in a travel ban doesn’t surprise me. I don’t know the nuances of the Mississippi and North Carolina laws, so I’m not ready to condemn or endorse them.

I do believe that, as a general rule, the LGBT community must have protection against discrimination. At the same time, religious freedom must be protected. This creates a dilemma. Reasonable people on both sides must compromise and exhibit tolerance, as we have done in Utah.

For example, a large business that broadly deals with the general public ought to serve same-sex couples. That’s obvious. However, if a small, mom-and-pop shop is owned by people who devoutly believe that supporting same-sex marriage would be sinful, in a location where plenty of other businesses are providing the same services, why not let them follow their principles? Why force them to do something that violates their sincere religious beliefs?

I reject the assertion that such discrimination is the moral equivalent of refusing service to someone on the basis of race, religion or gender. I don’t know of any mainstream religion that supports such discrimination. But some mainstream religions do not condone same-sex marriage. The legality has certainly been settled by the courts, but legitimate religious concerns still exist.

Personally, despite my unease about same-sex marriage and the long-term impact on children and families, I would not have a problem serving a same-sex couple if I was a cake baker, a jeweler or a florist. But if someone else holds fervent beliefs otherwise, they should be allowed to follow their convictions.

As my church leaders have stated, what’s needed is common sense, compromise and tolerance on both sides. It is a fine line, no doubt, but I think people of good will can find that line. Intolerant people on both sides will just want to fight.

Local supporters of Bernie Sanders are demanding that Utah Democratic superdelegates abandon their commitment to Hillary Clinton and reflect the overwhelming support the Vermont senator captured in Utah’s presidential preference poll. Will or should this happen?

Pignanelli: The historical precedent in this country is that parties can choose a president through whatever means they choose. Superdelegates are either elected officials, or party bigwigs chosen by delegates. Therefore they have connections to a constituent base. The superdelegate system was developed to allow these individuals to nominate whomever they think best. So leave them alone.

Webb: Rules are rules. Superdelegates can support anyone they desire. If Democrats don’t like it, they should do as Republicans did and eliminate superdelegates. Personally, I think superdelegates are fine. Those who have worked hard for the party deserve the perk. But in Utah, some far-right grass-roots activists have the attitude that you’re a pretty smart person until you get elected to something. Then you automatically become an idiot and an enemy, undeserving of a delegate slot.

A recent poll in Utah Policy showed Gov. Gary Herbert far ahead of his Republican and Democratic challengers. Is Herbert cruising to victory?

Pignanelli: Notwithstanding the polls, Herbert is still facing a feisty challenge from Jonathan Johnson. State political conventions are strange affairs (especially the Republicans) so the unexpected can happen. Popular Gov. Michael Leavitt was forced into a primary in 2000. Delegates ousted well-liked incumbents Gov. Olene Walker (2004) and Sen. Bob Bennett (2010). Herbert is working hard to prevent such occurrences. Insiders believe Herbert gets out of convention, but so could Johnson.

Webb: Both the primary and general gubernatorial elections will be feisty affairs. It’s a safe bet that Herbert will win, but his opponents have enough money, organization and talent to be highly visible and very irritating.

Despite Herbert’s enviable popularity and success, I expect Herbert and Johnson will face off in a primary election. It’s not very difficult for a well-funded challenger to win at least 40 percent of the delegate vote and emerge from the state convention.

Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb: A contested GOP convention and Utah candidates

Politics has been full of surprises and strange activities in this election cycle. Although Utahns have tried to remain dignified through it all, we’ve been directly engaged (bombarded with advertisements featuring Melania Trump’s risque modeling endeavors, Donald Trump’s bombast, Bernie Sanders’incredible rallies, etc.) in this bizarre election. These broader themes do have an impact locally.

The Wisconsin primary likely assured a contested GOP Republican convention with an unknown outcome. A Utah Policy Poll showed Hillary Clinton could be competitive with Donald Trump — in Utah! How are Utah candidates dealing with these surprises?

Pignanelli: "The only way Trump gets beat is if his supporters morally collapse because of bad defeats in California and New York. They will be like Oklahoma at the end of the Villanova game … nothing there.” — David Brooks

Utah be proud. Very proud. Your common-sense approach garnered respect from fellow Americans. News commentators relished how Utah voters deliberately and strategically chose a candidate who could stall Trump’s momentum — Ted Cruz. Even international media broadcasted the eye-opening Utah Clinton vs. Trump poll results.

The Utah storms so unnerved Trump & Company they responded to the Ms. Trump supermodel ad with an outrageous tweet attacking Heidi Cruz. By failing to apologize for this, and his campaign manager’s non-assault assault against a female reporter, Trump was pummeled in Wisconsin.

Not since the 1976 Republican convention has our state enjoyed such an impact on the nomination process.

But shrewd GOP candidates understand the potential negative implications. Even Democrats must prepare for the fallout from incessant pummeling of Clinton by Sanders.

Smart Utah Republicans will develop an independent image distancing themselves from these embarrassments. They can consult with local Democrats, who have vast experience creating such electoral strategies with national candidates unappealing to many Utahns.

Webb: Since Utah Republicans decisively dumped Trump, GOP candidates here likely won’t be hurt if he leads the ballot. But it does put them in an uncomfortable spot, having to state whether they support their presidential nominee.

Certainly, Clinton will get a lot more votes if Trump is the GOP nominee. But my guess is that by Election Day, Republicans will come home and vote for Trump with a lot of nose-holding.

Utah candidates should simply note that whether Donald Trump or Hillary Clinton is in the White House, it reinforces the need to reduce the size and cost of the federal government and devolve more programs and authority to the states. Washington is going to be a gridlocked mess, a veritable disaster, especially if Trump causes the Republicans to lose the Senate.

Utah candidates should turn the presidential race into a discussion on the need for balanced federalism.

What is happening in the race for the Governor's Mansion?

Pignanelli: The Gary Herbert and Jonathan Johnson campaigns are deep in combat, fighting for delegates in county conventions. The governor is popular and reminding audiences Utah is leading the country in job creation and economic prosperity. Johnson is educating Utah delegates that many Utah politicians were birthed by challenging incumbents (Orrin Hatch, Jim Hansen, Jason Chaffetz, Mike Lee and … Gary Herbert). Because Herbert has secured enough signatures to advance to the primary, Johnson's task is to bruise him in the convention and create doubts about his strength. So far, the Democratic contenders have been rather polite.

Webb: This is a relatively quiet time in Utah’s election cycle as candidates chase delegates with phone calls, mailings, and large and small gatherings. It’s a good battle on the Republican side, and no incumbent can take re-election for granted in this anti-establishment atmosphere. Still, Herbert enjoys high approval ratings and solid conservative credentials. He has to be considered the odds-on favorite.

That doesn’t mean Herbert will eliminate Johnson at convention. I would be surprised if that happened. Republican convention delegates have a habit of humbling strong Republican incumbents (like Mike Leavitt and Orrin Hatch) by forcing them into primary elections (where they handily defeat their upstart opponents).

On the Democratic side, I assume Michael Weinholtzwill eliminate Vaughn Cook at the Democratic convention. It’s early enough in the campaign that Weinholtz can stay relatively quiet, build his campaign organization and name ID and hold his fire on the Republicans. The barrage will come soon enough.

Intra-party challenges from the far right and far left are plaguing some state legislators. What does this imply?

Pignanelli: Trump, Sanders (and Johnson) were out there long enough to sow discontent that trickles down. Thus many solid conservatives and steady liberals are facing attacks from their fringe. Incumbents that secured enough signatures are not as panicked as those who must face grumpy delegates. But this does signify 2016 as a quicksand year for all politicians.

Webb: The presidential race demonstrates the degree of grass-roots uprising on both sides against the establishment (people like me). Utah displays more common sense than a lot of states, but the anti-establishment sentiment certainly exists here. Still, Utah is doing well economically, our leaders govern responsibly, citizens are optimistic, and most strong incumbents will be just fine.

Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb: Discussing the race for president, Utah's governor and legislative candidates

The race is on! Utah’s candidate filing deadline has passed, and hundreds of hopefuls have filed for offices up and down the ballot. That, combined with the bizarre national political scene, gives us plenty to pontificate about.

Republican leaders terrified about having Donald Trump at the top of the November ballot are developing a "Plan T" to protect local candidates from his destructive coattails. Is this really a problem and can anything be done?

Pignanelli: "Donald Trump, and everything surrounding him, is preventing the GOP from talking about Hillary Clinton's record. That is what's so terrible about Trump."--Mary Kissel, Wall Street Journal. Combatant nations in World War I believed chemical gases could expeditiously eliminate enemies. But these weapons were unreliable, unpredictable and caused problems for the aggressors — especially when the wind changed. Trump — the mustard gas of the 2016 elections — is equally erratic and the impact of his volatile supporters in other races is a mystery.

Conventional thinking suggests a Trump nomination dampens traditional Republican enthusiasm to vote, but invigorates left-wing Utahns to the polls. Additionally, blue-collar conservative Democrats are behind Trump’s successes. Their proclivities in local elections, or turnout if Trump is denied the nomination, are unknown.

The dynamic of the Bernie Sanders movement cannot be ignored. What happens to the Vermont socialist at the Democratic Convention could be another factor in November.

Trump is a weapon that will be used on behalf, and against, every candidate seeking election in 2016. Savvy campaign operatives will develop several strategies to benefit from, while simultaneously defending against, the Trump (and Sanders) variables. Unfortunately, no one knows which tactic will be effective until actually utilized. Keep the gas masks handy.

Webb: All predictions and conventional wisdom have been upended in this race, so no one really knows how a Trump nomination might affect down-ballot races. But I expect Trump hurts other Republicans. GOP leaders will do their best to “localize” the races so voters focus on specific issues, especially state and local issues, instead of the presidential race. But even in Utah, where Trump is very unpopular, there will be no good answer when candidates are asked, “Do you support your party’s presidential candidate? Do you support his positions on issues?” Candidates won’t want to offend Trump supporters, but they also won’t want to alienate voters who just can’t stand Trump.

The best they can say is, “Well, he’s our party’s nominee. I don’t agree with him on some issues. But we’re going to educate him and use his strength to get important things done.”

The gubernatorial race is shaping up to be an interesting event. Gov. Gary Herbert faces both Republican and Democratic challengers. Will this contest stay heated through November, or does the governor run the table and stay far ahead of opponents?

Pignanelli: Prominent businessman Jonathan Johnson is offering a spirited challenge to Gov. Herbert. The Democratic candidates, Michael Weinholtz and Vaughn R Cook are also successful businessmen without political records. So expect plenty of “anti-establishment” and “career politician” jibes. Normally, Herbert's high approval ratings and popularity would be a solid defense against these attacks. But this Trumpian year offers unique opportunities to “non-establishment” contenders. However, Herbert is well known for taking nothing for granted and will respond with an aggressive campaign until election day.

Webb: By all conventional measures (high approval ratings, strong economy), Herbert is about as safe as a politician can be as he seeks his second full term. But in this unpredictable political year, overconfidence would be a big mistake.

Joint appearances and debates already show Herbert will come under heavy fire from the left and the right. The convention fight could be tough. Restive voters won’t want to hear just that Utah is doing well. They’ll want candidates to articulate their visions for the future, how they will boost the state to the next level and bring all Utahns along for the ride.

Some observers are complaining that too many legislative incumbents have gone unchallenged by the opposing party. Is this a legitimate complaint?

Pignanelli: As a veteran of many tough campaigns, the rare blessing of the free ride was warmly appreciated. It is nonsense to expect any political party — regardless of size or stature — to fill every race. Shrewd activists target resources where a reasonable opportunity to defend or capture a seat exists. Sacrificial lamb candidates, promised assistance that never materializes, usually become embittered and resentful.

Webb: Partisans accuse Republicans of gerrymandering legislative district boundaries to create safe districts where the opposing party can’t even field a candidate. The truth is, no one needs to gerrymander to produce those results. Utah is a lop-sided Republican state and it’s hard to produce more than a handful of competitive districts without creating really weird boundaries.

Certainly, a few more competitive districts could be created. But doing so might dilute Democratic strength in existing districts. Democrats dominate Salt Lake City because that’s the way citizens vote. Republicans dominate the rest of the state for the same reason. That’s how politics works.