
NEWS & EVENTS
Will Trump be impeached and tossed from office? Pignanelli and Webb
The Democrat-controlled U.S. House of Representatives has begun a formal impeachment inquiry into President Donald Trump — providing plenty of political intrigue for pundits to untangle.
What are the impacts of impeachment proceedings on Utah’s members of Congress, especially Rep. Ben McAdams?
Pignanelli: “Nobody knows where this impeachment is going … something wild and unpredictable has been let loose … the entire outcome will depend on public opinion.” — Peggy Noonan
Massive political intrigue is the astronomical equivalent of a black hole, bending space and time from normal trajectories. The current impeachment controversy caused history to fold back upon itself.
In July 1974, the House Judiciary Committee adopted articles of impeachment against President Richard Nixon. Among members voting “aye” was a freshman lawyer from Utah — Democrat Wayne Owens. Although the Watergate storm generated an electoral blue wave, Owens lost his Senate race that year. Some pundits attribute the defeat to this vote.
Ben McAdams — another centrist freshman lawyer Democrat from Utah — will soon face a similar decision. His comments have been judicious, requesting additional information before committing to impeachment-style investigations. McAdams accurately reflects the common sense judgment of Utahns. To prevent a repeat of history, he will need to distance himself from potential overreach — and displays of unfairness — by Congressional leadership.
For example, Joseph Maguire, acting director of national intelligence, testified before the House Intelligence Committee regarding the whistleblower complaint. The chairman and ranking member pushed the hearing into a farcical circus that Americans despise. Maguire, a 36-year Navy veteran, did not deserve hours of televised critique for his good faith attempts to deal with this unique issue, while protecting the whistleblower. Utah Congressman Chris Stewart appropriately and commendably defended this decent patriot.
The impeachment activities will morph into an even larger black hole, sucking time, energy and matter on Capitol Hill.
Webb: I got a haircut last Wednesday and asked my barber (Dillon Guymon at Trolley Square Barbers) if Trump should be impeached. He said no. Dillon talks to people all day and knows everything, so if the Democrats have lost the country’s barbers, they have a problem.
This whole affair is only beginning, of course, and no one knows how it will end. But I find even a lot of people who don’t like Trump don’t think the Ukrainian phone call rises to the level of “high crimes and misdemeanors” — worthy of overturning the 2016 presidential election and tossing Trump out of office. Where’s the damage? Where’s the victim?
Some elements of the July phone call were inappropriate and stupid, and Trump should be criticized and censured. But national security was not threatened and no constitutional crisis occurred, as House Speaker Nancy Pelosi continues to claim.
All of this becomes very awkward for McAdams. His party is charging toward an impeachment vote and he will be under fire no matter what he does. The Republican campaign committees are already using the impeachment furor to target him.
Most congressional Republicans have been silent or protective of Trump. Why has Utah Sen. Mitt Romney been more vocal, saying an investigation is warranted?
Pignanelli: Romney’s statements elicit many adjectives (i.e. thoughtful, needed and shrewd). He is reflecting angst by many within the GOP, but not expressed publicly. Romney is using his immense political capital to comfort Americans there is some parental supervision in this partisan dispute. Also, should impeachment actions topple the Trump Administration and cripple the Republican Party, Romney will be the unblemished statesman for conservatives. There is no limit what this could mean for Utah’s favorite son.
Webb: Romney has a visceral aversion to Trump and is emerging as the president’s chief critic among Senate Republicans. It will get him a lot of publicity and the approval of liberals and Trump-haters, but it won’t help him get legislation passed.
Trump is everything Romney is not — impulsive, crude, flamboyant, arrogant and bull-headed. He also won the presidency, and Romney did not. Romney is certainly an important voice of reason in the Senate, but at some point he has to look at the big picture and decide if he wants Elizabeth Warren as president and eight years of ultra-leftist federal judicial appointments. What’s the bigger danger to the country?
When all is said and done, will Trump be impeached by the House? Will he be convicted by the Senate and booted from office?
Pignanelli: There will be an impeachment vote. A Senate trial only occurs if Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has the votes to defeat the effort. If not, Trump will be forced to resign.
Webb: After all the apocalyptic rhetoric, if House Democrats don’t impeach Trump it will be terribly embarrassing for them. So I expect Pelosi will rally her troops, twist arms and do it. The Senate will not convict, and the whole impeachment mess will hurt Democrats in 2020. Voters will reject Warren’s socialist takeover of the country and in the next four years Trump will appoint another conservative Supreme Court justice, assuring a conservative court for decades to come.
Is religious bigotry alive and well in Salt Lake City? Pignanelli and Webb
Salt Lake City is one of the most liberal metropolitan areas of the country. So it is ironic and unfortunate that a mayoral candidate’s religion has become an issue. We explore what is happening. Salt Lake City is one of the most liberal metropolitan areas of the country. So it is ironic and unfortunate that a mayoral candidate’s religion has become an issue. We explore what is happening.
For weeks, a whisper campaign has swirled around the fact that Sen. Luz Escamilla is a member of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. This criticism did not come from the Erin Mendenhall campaign, but from others. The matter erupted publicly in social media and in the news media when a high-profile Utah liberal posted on Facebook, “Now we are threatened with the prospect of a Mormon mayor (Escamilla) who seems to be willing to do the bidding of the church …” Is it appropriate to make the faith of a candidate an election issue with the implication she will do the bidding of her church and not of constituents?
Pignanelli: “Religion doesn’t make people bigots. People are bigots and they use religion to justify their ideology.” — Reza Aslan
Religious tolerance is universally defined as “willing to recognize and respect others’ beliefs, practices, etc., while not sharing them.” A bigot practices the opposite, and is characterized as an intolerant person. Statements that Escamilla will not act thoughtfully as mayor but instead “do the bidding of the church” are condemnations based on her religion. Replace “Mormon” with “Jew” or “Catholic” or “Gay” or “Black”, etc. and the appalling nature of the statements are further clarified. Those who espouse or condone such condemnations against Escamilla are bigots.
The Mendenhall campaign commendably refuses to engage in such sleazy antics. So, these “enlightened” bigots are employing fifth column tactics in social media to enrage other narrow-minded haters. Sponsors of this sludge are no better than the white supremacists and anti-Semitics plaguing our society.
Fortunately, this fraudulent intelligentsia are a minority in our open-minded, tolerant and wonderful state.
Webb: Escamilla checks off every box any liberal Salt Lake City voter could wish for. To oppose her simply because she belongs to the predominant faith is the definition of religious bigotry.
As a Republican living in downtown Salt Lake City, both Escamilla and Mendenhall are too liberal for me. However, I believe both of them are fine people with integrity and passion for the city and its residents. To effectively lead the city, either of them will need to work with the church, the Republicans and the Legislature. I believe either can do so cooperatively and effectively.
Anyone who has worked with Escamilla knows she is a liberal Democrat who fights for liberal causes. Born in Mexico, she has a compelling personal story. She fought long odds to make her life a success and has spent much of her career serving minority communities. To her credit, she also places family and faith as guiding influences in her life.
Mendenhall is also a solid, hard-working candidate with broad city council experience, a proven track record, and good relationships with all stakeholders.
In 2018, Rep. Patrice Arent’s election opponent injected religion into the campaign by quoting a well-known battle cry from the Book of Mormon. Arent is Jewish. Numerous LDS adherents (including Gov. Gary Herbert and this newspaper) publicly defended Arent and criticized such tactics. No such outpouring from nonmembers or liberals have condemned the attacks on Escamilla. Is there a double standard in Utah on religious discrimination?
Pignanelli: It was a proud day in Utah when, without hesitation, many church members across the political spectrum denounced this intolerance against Arent. The attack against Escamilla was more direct and personal. Yet, other than an articulate statement from Mendenhall, an op-ed piece in the Tribune and the occasional tweet, there was silence — especially from the left.
Double standard is a kind phrase for hypocrisy running in the undercurrent of Utah politics. Most church members observe this but are too kind in responding. We nonmembers, who possess affection for church members’ incredible legacy of generosity and courage, must openly confront this vile hate in order to destroy it.
Webb: The progressive community ought to take a hard look at itself and do some soul-searching. Even with significant policy and doctrinal disagreements on certain issues, I know the church seeks common ground, productive dialogue and real compassion. Is the progressive community willing to reciprocate?
Some believed that “anti-Mormon” sentiment was dissipating in the capital city. Is this true?
Pignanelli: Because hostilities were not open, many observers fantasized a peace among the tribes. But these recent actions demonstrate the ridiculous animosity percolating in the sewers.
Webb: One only has to pay a bit of attention to social media to see the bigotry and hostility aimed at the predominant church. But I don’t think it exists in large measure among intelligent people who are actively involved in the community. Millions of church members and people of other faiths or no faith at all work side by side in employment and many other causes with mutual respect and admiration.
Pignanelli & Webb: Is the ballot initiative process working well for Utah?
Last week, the Legislature once again revised legislation prompted by the medical marijuana initiative passed by voters in 2018.
Last week, the Legislature once again revised legislation prompted by the medical marijuana initiative passed by voters in 2018. While these recent changes were uniformly applauded, issues related to the initiative process itself remain unresolved. We jump head-first into the fray.
Legislators are seriously considering a proposal submitted by county clerks and the lieutenant governors office to allow initiative petition sponsors to gather signatures online. Cost savings to the government agencies would result, but there are obvious concerns with such a proposal. Is there merit to this?
Pignanelli: “Technology should be used for people’s overall welfare … instead of misusing it to win elections.” — Chandrababu Naidu
SB54 — the legislation to allow candidates placement on a primary ballot through signatures — is the white elephant gift of Utah politics. It keeps reappearing. This 2014 bill fostered homegrown signature gathering companies, thereby encouraging statewide and local initiatives. This “direct democracy” activity is now burdening county clerks who verify signatures, prompting considerations of technology allowing voters to sign a digital copy of a petition.
Justin Lee (director of elections and a very cool guy) testified online signatures could diminish initiatives as personal outreach is more persuasive than an email blast. However, others (especially legislators) contend the approach would greatly incentivize initiatives — statewide and in cities — as significant signature costs would drop. Further, many are concerned with the potential for mischief.
Initiatives and referenda are an important element of our democracy. Online voting for them more than eliminates administrative burdens, it dramatically realigns the relationship between campaigners and voters. This explains why the process is not suggested in elections. Much more study is needed.
This white elephant gift should remain under tree until next season.
Webb: Allowing online signature gathering might make sense. But I would caution against making the process too easy or we’ll end up like California with dozens of nutty proposals on the ballot.
Most laws ought to be made by the Legislature, not by direct democracy. Thus, getting an initiative proposal on the ballot ought to be difficult, but not impossible. The current initiative process is arduous and costs a lot of money, but it does strike the balance pretty well.
One good improvement would be to make the processes of getting a proposal on the ballot, and getting an initiative rescinded, more equivalent in difficulty. Right now, it’s grueling to get a proposal on the ballot, but relatively easy to rescind enough signatures to take it off.
The narrowly passed Proposition 4 established a bipartisan redistricting commission to redraw boundaries for federal and state offices in 2021. A recent U.S. Supreme Court decision reaffirmed state legislative supremacy in redistricting. Thus, serious discussions are occurring at the Capitol to revise the language of Proposition 4. Should and will this happen?
Pignanelli: The two “Supremes” — U.S. and Utah — delivered to lawmakers the permission and justification to amend passed initiatives to their collective hearts content. Politically, to do otherwise is a surrender of power.
Furthermore, this initiative begs alterations. The out-of-state big-money funders concocted a scheme that is discriminatory in construction and problematic in implementation. Every supporter I queried could not adequately respond to the multiple problems plaguing this hash. If legislators explain their actions, the resulting furor will diminish rapidly.
Webb: Essentially all propositions passed by voters do need some refining. That’s because they don’t go through the arduous legislative process where proposed bills get changed and improved in committee hearings and floor debate. No one is smart enough to write the perfect bill that never needs refinement.
That is certainly true with the Proposition 4 redistricting commission proposal. It has a number of flaws that should be fixed by the Legislature. But that’s not a reason to totally rescind the Proposition 4 law. An advisory commission to recommend redistricting to the Legislature is certainly appropriate. Ultimately, however, redistricting is a political activity. It’s impossible to take all politics out of the process. Final decisions should be made by the people elected by voters.
In August, the Utah Supreme Court ruled that the Legislature could replace the successful medical marijuana initiative with the legislation passed in the December 2018 special session. Litigants believed the voter-supported proposition trumped any legislative action. Was the court correct and what does this mean for future initiatives?
Pignanelli: Our state constitution “vests” legislative authority with the Legislature and the “People.” Both possess power to enact and amend each other’s legislation. Sponsors now have greater responsibility to ensure the intent and language of the Initiative are defensible during elections, and in the court of public opinion afterwards.
Webb: Sorry, folks, but a law created by voters has the same status as a law created by the Legislature. Thus, the Legislature can change an initiative law at will. However, lawmakers usually respect initiative laws because those laws reflect the will of voters. Legislators who vote to rescind or dramatically change a voter-created law could face consequences at the next election.
Pignanelli and Webb: Should lawmakers boost the gas tax or impose tolls? We explore the ramifications.
As Utah lawmakers attempt to better balance Utah’s tax structure, they have considered making transportation funding more “user based” by raising the state fuel tax, or even tolling some highways. That would allow them to reduce general fund sales tax money spent on transportation, freeing up that money for other state purposes. We explore the ramifications.
Despite legislators’ promise that overall taxes will remain level, or even be cut, if the gas tax or other taxes are boosted, citizens remain skeptical. A recent UtahPolicy.com survey showed opposition to a gas tax increase. Is a gas tax boost a viable option for legislators who want to reform Utah’s tax system?
Pignanelli: “If you don’t drink, smoke, or drive a car, you’re a tax evader.” — Thomas S. Foley
One can explain to children how broccoli will make them strong and beautiful, but the inquiry whether they will eat the vegetable always compels emotional negative responses (i.e. “Yuck!”). Similarly, when pollsters explain the need for a gas tax increase to readjust unbalanced revenues and improve roads, most Utahns respond with a snarl.
Every week, almost 2 million Utah drivers are staring at gas pumps, feeling the impact of a gas tax. Legislators know this well. Furthermore, few lawmakers want to spend spring 2020 campaigning for reelection and explaining why they voted to increase the gas tax. A reduction in other taxes will not diminish any outrage.
Policy wonks advocate a gas tax as fair because it is a true user fee. However, long-term aspects are problematic. Cars are becoming increasingly more fuel-efficient, or electrical, and therefore surcharges on fuel will diminish over time. These concerns, combined with the expected political blowback, diminishes any advantages to this revenue source. I enjoy broccoli, especially when accompanied by olive oil and marinara sauce. Too bad such condiments are unavailable to soothe a tax increase.
Webb: Here’s some excellent advice (if I do say so myself): Just do it. The political fallout will be minimal and brief, and no one will suffer retribution in the next election. The result will be a better-balanced tax system, and users will be paying more for roads. It’s good tax policy.
Sure, citizens will tell a pollster they don’t want higher gas taxes. But with prices fluctuating day to day, they will hardly notice it. If lawmakers reduce other taxes to provide an overall tax cut, no one will have a legitimate complaint.
The fuel tax has not been increased very often, but the history is this: No one loses the next election over a gas tax boost. Thanks to better fuel efficiency, hybrid vehicles and the electrification of the transportation industry, actual highway users are paying a smaller and smaller portion of the costs of road construction and maintenance. Users need to pay more.
Eventually, as gas-powered vehicles go away, we’ll need to move to a system that charges by vehicle miles traveled. But, for now, the gas tax remains the best way to pay for good highways.
Poll respondents were even more strongly opposed to toll roads. Why is there such visceral dislike of tolling in Utah?
Pignanelli: Toll roads are like roundabouts — they don’t belong in this country and should go back to Europe where they belong. Utahns have the common sense to understand their taxes paid for roads and it is ridiculous to impose another surcharge just to travel on them. Furthermore, residents along the west side of the Wasatch Front funded roads on the east side. It is unfair to now extract double taxation from these residents to resolve their transportation needs.
Webb: Utah isn’t likely to toll an entire highway (except perhaps a canyon road) for many years, if ever. Public opposition would be too strong. However, we can expect highway officials to use “congestion pricing,” which would essentially extend HOV lane tolling to additional lanes. As Utah’s population booms, that’s really the only way to prevent gridlock on the freeways and to push more commuters to use public transit.
In general, tax reform is proving very difficult. Will the Legislature accomplish meaningful reform before the 2020 political wars begin?
Pignanelli: The Legislature must be commended for dealing with an issue head-on (unlike Congress). But if potential long-term solutions are rolled out late this year, or in 2020, the usual forces of election campaigns will increase politicization of public deliberations — thereby warping the results of well-intended policies. Therefore, lawmakers should apply a Band-Aid to address short-term needs and enact larger overhauls in 2021. Broccoli always tastes better in odd-numbered years.
Webb: Our policymakers can get it done — eventually — but it’s going to be a lengthy process. And it might take more of a general fund crisis to force action. Tax policy is complicated and citizens don’t like tax changes even, apparently, if it means an overall tax cut.
Pignanelli and Webb: Can Trump win? Can Biden beat the arch-liberals? We have answers.
In the 2020 presidential election, a flawed Donald Trump will go up against a flawed Democratic candidate — either an older fellow whose time seems to have come and gone, or an extreme liberal (or even a socialist) who would try to push the country far to the left. This raises important questions.
Why are Americans and Utahns once again likely to have an unpleasant choice of candidates who are outside the mainstream in conduct or policy?
Pignanelli: “This game didn’t start with Donald Trump. Decades of cynical, game-playing failure produced him.” — Chuck Todd, NBC News
We have all attended events with unappealing choices of entrees. This dilemma may mirror the next election.
We are amidst a major transformational era in American politics and society. Those who understand social media (Trump, AOC, etc.) are driving the discussions. Well-funded and tech-savvy special interest groups hold massive power in the nation’s capital, with chapters throughout the country. Congress appeals for succor from these organizations. This explains why the top tier of Democrat presidential candidates are former or current members of Congress, and not a governor (very unusual). Unfortunately, this dynamic signals most Americans are outside the sphere of influence.
The election dilemma creates an interesting environment for Utah next year. Candidates will paint their opponents with the blemish of their party nominee — each unpopular with voters — and respondents will be forced to straddle the fence.
Discerning event participants can deflect an unappetizing meal and catch a burger afterwards. Too bad this alternative does not exist for voters.
Webb: Personally, I find the choices unattractive. But I have to keep reminding myself that there’s a reason Trump was elected, and there’s a reason that Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders attract adoring crowds.
Perhaps I don’t “get it” because I’m part of the old-fashioned, mainstream political establishment that is being disrupted by Trump’s brand of chaotic conservatism and Sanders/Warren’s brand of leftist liberalism.
As a longtime communications industry worker, I’ve been disrupted before, which explains why I’m not a billionaire co-owner of Google, Facebook or Amazon. It’s entirely possible that a bottom-up political disruption is occurring that is hard to see and understand by an old traditionalist like me.
President Trump’s polling numbers are bad (even in Utah). He seems not inclined to do politically fashionable things to appeal to a broader electorate — even risking an economic downturn with his trade wars. Can Trump win when he seems indifferent to the political consequences of his actions?
Pignanelli: Although Trump disapproval ratings are high, the Democratic candidates are equally disliked. So, the playing field is even. If the economy is sound next fall after China agrees to trade demands, Trump’s position is strengthened. But there is another dynamic — unique to 2020. For over 225 years, presidents spoke directly to Americans on rare occasions through traditional media. Because of Twitter, we know what this president is thinking almost every hour of the day. This could alter the outcome, with enough voters declaring “I don’t like what he says but at least I know his mind.” Trump’s ubiquity solidifies his perception as an outsider, disrupting a system that many despise.
Democratic presidential candidates need to alter the tenor and focus of their candidacies to counter these potential Trump advantages.
Webb: I gave a speech recently at a service club and was asked what I think about Trump. I said I dislike Trump’s demeanor, erraticism and a lot of other personal traits — but I like some of his policies. I also said I would vote for him over one of the leftist Democrats. That drew the ire of one audience member who said Trump is a racist, bumbling idiot who is destroying the country and the world.
Later, I walked out to the parking lot with a nice, reasonable, normal person. He said he doesn’t talk about it much, but he really likes Trump. He said Trump is exactly what the country needs to disrupt Washington, fight the liberals, return the U.S. to global preeminence.
So don’t underestimate Trump. He has some quiet support out there that may not show up in polls.
Joe Biden, a political moderate, leads all the younger, more liberal Democratic candidates. Can he maintain his lead and win the nomination, or is his candidacy doomed?
Pignanelli: Americans don’t care about Biden’s good-natured gaffes. They actually increase his appeal. But elections are about the future, a territory unknown to Biden. Therefore, he is unlikely to be nominated.
Webb: I don’t believe Biden can win the Democratic nomination or the presidency. Mainstream Democrats may support him, but they aren’t the most active in primaries and caucuses. Once the candidate field narrows, the liberal vote will consolidate around Warren or Sanders and Biden’s lead will dwindle. Besides, he’s not energetic enough to face off against the irrepressible Trump.
Pignanelli & Webb: Time for politicians to report summer vacation fun
We can’t say goodbye to summer without answering the burning question so many inquiring minds want to know: What did politicians do on their summer vacations?
Pignanelli & Webb: If summer is over, why is it so hot outside? Hot or not, the Labor Day weekend marks the traditional end of summer. The youngsters are back in school, the pigskin is flying.
But we can’t say goodbye to summer without answering the burning question so many inquiring minds want to know: What did politicians do on their summer vacations?
Pres. Donald Trump: “I lounged at one of my many beach houses and read a great self-help book, ‘How to Cause Chaos Nationally, Internationally, Economically and Militarily — and Make it All End Well.’ As the Chosen One, I had already mastered most of those skills, but I commend the book to anyone who likes to blow things up.”
Presidential candidate Joe Biden: “I spent most of my vacation time strategizing how to defend Obamacare, but I did read a few snippets from ‘How to Campaign like a 30-Year-Old.’ The main thing is to take a lot of naps.”
Gov. Gary Herbert: ”I spent my vacation thinking up new ways to describe how Utah is the best-managed state with the strongest economy in the country. I realized I only have 16 more months to make the case ... unless Spencer appoints me as advocate-in-chief. By the way, did you know that Utah’s economy is really, really strong ... ?”
Tax Reform Task Force Members: “We spent our summer enduring two months of heated town hall meetings throughout the state listening to suspicious citizens tell us they don’t want taxes changed. Of course, we responded with smiles and courtesy. Truly, such patience deserves a guaranteed spot in heaven.”
Losing Salt Lake City mayoral candidates: “What could be more fun than spending a summer knocking on doors, debating, and bragging about accomplishments? The only downside was ... we lost.”
Congressman Rob Bishop: “It was the best summer in decades. Because I’m not running again next year, I did not have to make that one fundraising call I usually make each summer. It’s great to avoid that horrific ordeal.”
Democratic Party Chair Jeff Merchant: “My summer vacation was spent looking under rocks and sticks all over the state in search of a sentient organism that resembles a human being willing to run as a Democratic candidate for governor. Please advise if you are aware of such a creature.”
Republican Party Chairman Derek Brown: “I spent my summer vacation studying one of the most difficult challenges in politics — how to convince 4th District voters that Ben McAdams is a flaming liberal and secretly part of ‘The Squad’.”
Salt Lake City Mayor Jackie Biskupski: “I’m glad for my decision not to seek reelection. But watching the primary election, I couldn’t help spending summer weeks wondering if all those pundits were wrong and I could have walloped Jim Dabakis.”
Congressman Ben McAdams: “My staff and I had great fun this summer. We disguised our voices and called Bishop’s, Curtis’ and Stewart’s offices asking for the member of the Utah House delegation from the majority party. Then we would laugh and laugh.”
Ambassador to Russia Jon Huntsman Jr.: “Summer is a lovely time. It provides the opportunity to think great thoughts and develop important priorities and fashion Huntsman 3.0. Stay tuned.”
Erin Mendenhall and Luz Escamilla: “It was a great summer, emerging from the mayoral primary election. Now we have to figure out how to answer those pesky Inland Port questions.”
Congressman John Curtis: “I’m doing my best to get around to other parts of the district, hopefully with some publicity. Otherwise, when I go back to Washington in September everyone will still call me that Congressman from Bears Ears.”
Sen. Mike Lee: “I had great fun on my vacation reading the Constitution backwards into a tape recorder. When I played back the result, I think what I heard was a recipe for bundt cake.”
Sen. Mitt Romney: “I went to many community celebrations throughout the state and had a great time. But I’m still in pursuit of the perfect deep fried Twinkie. Can’t wait for the State Fair.”
Most of the potential candidates for governor in 2020: “We spent the entire summer not bothering any voters, media or anyone else with real politicking. We’ll pretend this was an actual strategy. You’re welcome.”
Attorney General Sean Reyes: “My office sued the federal government over Obamacare this summer. What does it take to get noticed for that?”
Congressman Chris Stewart: “I had great fun this summer giving speeches and media interviews blasting socialism and socialists. It’s always good to have an existential threat to the nation to campaign on.”
Deseret News management: “We spent the summer as we do every other season of the year: trying to keep Pignanelli & Webb from embarrassing the newspaper. It’s a really tough job.”
By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb, Sep 1, 2019
Lessons learned from Mendenhall’s surprise win in Salt Lake primary
We explore the results of the Salt Lake City mayoral primary election and why it demonstrates interesting dynamics in Utah politics.
By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb, Contributors Aug 18, 2019
Well, no one predicted this outcome. We explore the results of the Salt Lake City mayoral primary election and why it demonstrates interesting dynamics in Utah politics.
With more than 37,000 ballots counted, Salt Lake City Council member Erin Mendenhallcaptured the top spot in the primary. State Sen. Luz Escamilla bumped presumed favorite James Dabakis out of the final election. What are politicos saying?
Pignanelli: “Money doesn’t win elections. Votes do.” — Dan Backer
Councilwoman Mendenhall deserves “Teacher of the Decade” for her campaign that brilliantly reminded politicos of unwavering rules and explained new trends.
Tuesday night reaffirmed to the political community that municipal primaries cannot be purchased through campaign contributions. Success in the Salt Lake City primary is dependent upon grassroots, shoe-leather campaigns, along with smart messaging. Mendenhall was outspent by most of her opponents and still prevailed.
Dabakis developed an impressive network of progressive supporters and was viewed as invincible. But Mendenhall and Escamilla ignored the perception and the conventional wisdom of his strength. Both campaigns took nothing for granted, to their benefit. Mendenhall and Escamilla adhered to progressive principles but exhibited stability. Thus, this is another lesson to progressives that they can make a difference in Utah politics — if an acceptable persona is developed.
With just the basics, Mendenhall (and Escamilla) taught us Utah politics is still adhering to a rational course. She deserves an apple.
Webb: Nothing replaces hard work and grassroots organizing in a low-turnout, mid-summer primary election. Mendenhall got her voters to vote. That takes skill and managerial prowess, and it bodes well for Mendenhall in November’s final election.
The primary got a little chippy at the end, with some charges flying around, but for the most part it was a clean race focused on issues. That was, no doubt, partly because most candidates were smart enough to know that if they made it through the primary they would need the support of losing candidates and their supporters to win the final election. One thing to watch will be how many endorsements Mendenhall and Escamilla pick up from the losing candidates.
The conventional wisdom had the flamboyant Dabakis winning. While he has many solid supporters, he also has many detractors. He was the most polarizing candidate in the field.
Mendenhall is now the frontrunner, but Escamilla will be a tough competitor in the final election.
In the final weeks of the primary, some candidates were openly criticizing others for having received the support of Republicans and developers. Did this have an impact?
Pignanelli: Some politicos conjectured this tactic guaranteed a bump to progressive candidates who had no relationship with Republicans. But the exact opposite may have happened. Because right-of-center residents did not have a horse in the race, learning that certain Republicans (e.g. Mendenhall, Escamilla) were liked by some GOP officials may have attracted them to vote for their candidacies.
Mendenhall and Escamilla, by not running from these silly accusations, connected with residents who want their officials to reach across the aisle for solutions. They understand the importance to have officials who can build pragmatic relationships with others. It’s nice to know that some Salt Lake City residents are pushing against the nasty partisan trap of Washington, D.C., politics.
Webb: I haven’t quite sunk to the low of being a Dastardly Developer, but I certainly am a Reprehensible Republican. Good thing I didn’t endorse anyone or I would have single-handedly doomed the candidate.
That talking point was rather silly and it had no impact. Only among some ultra-liberal city partisans would attracting a bit of Republican support be considered bad.
The reality is the next mayor will need good relationships with the Republican governor and the Republican Legislature — and even with those Dastardly Developers.
Mendenhall ought to stop criticizing Escamilla for her legislative service. If Mendenhall becomes mayor, she’s going to need plenty of legislative help.
The primary election turnout was low, even with mail-in ballots. Can anything be done to get more people to vote?
Pignanelli: For decades, studies have consistently documented that voters are more willing to participate if a campaign has contacted them personally on several occasions. Television, radio and social media bombardment does not motivate 21st century participation in elections. Candidates and operatives must be consistently reminded of this.
Further, there needs to be a greater emphasis in our culture on the fact that municipal elections have a greater impact on the day-to-day lives of residents than any other political activity.
Webb: Summertime, and the livin’ is easy — and folks ain’t thinkin’ about politics. I don’t worry too much about low turnout because informed, engaged people voted, and the uninformed didn’t. I’d rather have knowledgeable people choosing our leaders than someone making a wild guess at the ballot box or voting for a candidate with the same name as her cat.
Some things worth watching: Rep. Rob Bishop's next move, 1st District contenders and GOP unity
By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb, Contributors Aug 4, 2019, 9:00am MDT
Rep. Rob Bishop, R-Utah, leaves a meeting with the Deseret News and KSL editorial boards at the Deseret News offices in Salt Lake City on Monday, July 29, 2019.
Scott G Winterton, Deseret News
Partisan politics are getting more interesting as the 2020 election year nears. Here are some of the dynamics we’re watching.
Congressman Rob Bishop will retire at the end of his term next year. What is his legacy and does his future include running for governor?
Pignanelli: “Going home (from Washington) is being rooted back in the people and finding out what they are actually saying to you. Staying away makes one squirrely.” — Rep. Rob Bishop
The real-life modern version of the 1939 movie "Mr. Smith Goes to Washington” is Rob Bishop. He was a popular high school teacher and debate coach (I first met him when competing against his students). A leader of young conservatives amidst the Reagan revolution, Bishop was propelled to the Legislature at age 27 and eventually chosen as speaker. GOP activists loved his folksy style, electing him party chairman and then nominee for Congress in 2002.
Bishop’s laid-back manner and dry wit disguises a strong grasp of parliamentary procedure, congressional procedures and American history. His love of baseball, political minutia and Diet Dr. Pepper (along with family and faith) defines him. He treasures his education background and relishes lecturing opportunities before students.
The congressman does suffer from a serious health issue — fundraising and media appearances cause him extreme physical pain. Despite these disabilities (some describe them as virtues) he scaled House leadership and passed significant legislation. He enjoys countering his local and national liberal detractors. Thus, Bishop remains popular with activists and could be a serious contender for governor.
Friends and honest critics agree — like the Jimmy Stewart character in the movie — Bishop never forgot his roots.
Webb: Bishop had a terrific congressional career. He was low-key (for a number of years he barely sent out a press release) and entertaining with his dry wit. He was a conservative stalwart on public lands and a protector of Hill Air Force Base.
Many politicians who retire at the height of their political careers regret doing so and want to get back into the action. Bishop will be tempted by the prospect of running for governor, but he has said he would have to have a compelling reason to do it.
So, here’s a compelling reason: Federalism. Restoring balanced federalism has long been a passion for Bishop. He and other top leaders I respect believe it is the solution to many of the nation’s problems, including the burgeoning federal debt.
As one of 535 members of Congress, Bishop wasn’t able to move the needle much on federalism. As governor, he would be able to rally other governors and state legislators and have a real impact.
As a young governor in the early '90s, Mike Leavitt led the most effective federalism initiative since the nation’s founding. (I don’t count the Civil War as a federalism initiative.) With the federal government in far more disarray today than in the '90s, Bishop as governor could be an effective crusader to restore proper balance in the federal/state relationship.
Bishop’s retirement creates a wide-open race to replace him. Are there any early frontrunners?
Pignanelli & Webb: Let the fun begin. The “great mentioners” are already making long lists. Viable contenders include: Davis County Commissioner Robert Stevenson, Kaysville Mayor Katie Witt, Morgan Councilwoman Tina Cannon, Clearfield Mayor Mark Shepherd, businessman and former GOP state chair Bruce Hough, credit union association CEO Scott Simpson, state Sens. Scott Sandall and Todd Weiler, andstate Reps. Paul Ray, Stephen Handy, Lee Perry and Logan Wilde. State agriculture commissioner Kerry Gibson is another possibility. Because of their positions and popularity, Senate President Stuart Adams and House Speaker Brad Wilson occupy every list.
Under the leadership of new chair _Derek Brown_, the Utah GOP is more united and functional than in many years. What does this mean for next year’s elections, and especially the 4th Congressional District?
Pignanelli: Brown brings to the chair position important and varied political experiences. These advantages fostered success toward mending party wounds and reestablishing some financial security. Therefore, the party is better positioned to focus resources on recapturing seats lost in the last election cycle. His long-term challenge is establishing a Republican Party that is acceptable to Utah voters 18-34 years old — who possess concerns with the president.
Webb: The quality of candidates remains the biggest factor in winning elections. But if Brown can reinvigorate a strong grassroots organization, the GOP could win more close races. For example, 4th District Rep. Ben McAdams won by only 700 votes in 2018. Had Republicans turned out better in conservative Utah County, Mia Love would have been reelected.
As an incumbent, McAdams will be a lot tougher in 2020. But with a unified party and an aggressive, disciplined and well-funded grassroots machine, Republicans will be better positioned to win the close ones.